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“ The Forum ” 

FOR SEPTEMBER, 1897 






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Hawaii and the Changing Front 

of the World 

* 

By Hon. J. R. PROCTER 

President of the U. S. Civil Service Commission 




Copyright, 1896, by The Forum Publishing Company 
Permission to republish articles is reserved 


















































































































































































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HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 

Nothing- has been more noteworthy during the century now draw- 
ing to a close than the wonderful expansion of Great Britain, Russia, 
and the United States. 

The British Empire has steadily expanded until it now comprises 
an area of 11,384,000 square miles, with a population aggregating 
402,000,000, haying a foreign and intercolonial trade amounting to 
$6,385,000,000 yearly. Of the total shipping of the world, 61 per 
cent is carried under the British flag. No empire since the dawn of 
history has equalled the British Empire of to-day in area, in popula- 
tion, or in wealth. 

The Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria was a glorious apotheosis 
of British unity and strength. The Premiers of eleven self-governing 
colonies rode in the Jubilee procession, accompanied by colonial and 
native troops from all parts of the world ; every colony represented re- 
joicing in the words of Kipling, “ Daughter am I in my mother’s house, 
but mistress in my own.” 

At a banquet given to the colonial Premiers, the Duke of Devon- 
shire contrasted the feeling entertained in England toward the Colonies- 
to-day — Englishmen everywhere rejoicing in celebrating imperial unity 
— with that which obtained when the Manchester School flourished,, 
and when colonial expansion and consolidation were regarded as a 
policy of doubtful principle. The Jubilee marks the beginning of a 
new era in Anglo-Saxon development ; and Imperial Federation will 
hereafter be the goal of British endeavor. 

The expansion and growth, in population and in wealth, of the 
United States during this century have been the wonder of the world. 
The thirteen sturdy, self-reliant English colonies came into conflict 
with the dependent colonies-of France and Spain on this continent, — 
a contest between the town-meeting and bureaucracy, between indi- 
vidualism and paternalism ; and individualism triumphed. A stupid 
British ministry tried to interfere in the local affairs of the colonies ; 
but the latter asserted and maintained their independence, and put into 
operation the most perfect system of federation hitherto attempted. 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


The propensity to acquire land, and the colonizing instincts which we 
inherited from our sea-roving ancestors, have lost none of their po- 
tency ; and we have gradually secured, by purchase and conquest, the 
v,ast territory extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific. And our Aleu- 
tian Islands stretch across the Northern Pacific almost to the eastern 
coast-line of Asia. We have but recently proclaimed that our country 
is paramount on this hemisphere ; and we have had that claim acknowl- 
edged by the only great World-Power possessing ability to dispute it. 
In this connection, it may prove of interest to recall some of the events 
leading up to the acquisitions of territory, and the declaration of the 
Doctrine that America must remain free from foreign aggression. 

But for the victory of Wolfe at Quebec, and the purchase of the 
Louisiana territory, France would have controlled the vast domain ex- 
tending from the mouth of the St, Lawrence to the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, and indefinitely westward toward the Pacific. Spain claimed 
the vast territory extending from Vancouver to Cape Horn. It was 
the growing sea-power of England — Eodney’s victory over the French 
fleet in 1782 ; the victory at Cape St. Vincent over the Spanish, and 
that of Camperdown over the Dutch in 1797 ; the victory of the Nile 
in 1798; the seizure of the Dutch fleet in 1799; and the annihilation 
of the Northern Maritime League at Copenhagen in 1801 — that caused 
France to part with her Louisiana territory in 1803. 

After Trafalgar (1805), France and Spain ceased to be naval Powers 
to be dreaded. Later, when Mexico and Central and South America 
had revolted against the despotic rule of Spain, and the crowned auto- 
crats of Europe, alarmed at the spread of free institutions, had leagued 
together to stifle freedom and to aid Spain in recovering her American 
possessions, it was at the instance of England — we should not forget — 
that our celebrated Monroe Doctrine was promulgated. Mr. Canning 
suggested to our Minister to Great Britain that the' two countries should 
stand together in preventing, “even by force if necessary, 7 ’ any action 
of the Holy Alliance looking to the reestablishment of Spanish rule in 
America. Mr. Jefferson urged President Monroe to accept the “prof- 
fered aid of England ” ; and the celebrated Message containing the 
Doctrine was promulgated December 2, 1823. There was great rejoic- 
ing in England when the Message reached that country. Sir James 
Mackintosh said in Parliament : — 

“ The coincidence of these two great English commonwealths (for so I delight 
to call them, and I heartily pray that they may be forever united in the cause of 
justice and liberty) cannot be contemplated without the utmost pleasure by every 
enlightened citizen of the earth.” 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


In 1826, Henry Clay, as Secretary of State, in instructing our dele- 
gates to the Panama Congress, wrote : — 

“After these two great maritime Powers [Great Britain and the United 
States] had let Continental Europe know that they would not see with indiffer- 
ence any forcible interposition in behalf of Old Spain, it was evident that no such 
interposition would, or, with any prospect of success, could, be offered.” 

But for Wolfe and Nelson, Pitt and Canning, how changed might 
have been the history of this continent, how changed might have been 
the history of the world ! Whatever the debt we may owe England — 
and the debt is great — for the achievements of the great men just 
named, it has been amply paid by the lesson of our Revolution, and 
by the lessons of federation which our successful experiment is teaching. 

Sir H. Maine points out that 

“ the Federal Court is the unique creation of the founders of the Constitution . . . 
the success of this experiment has blinded men to its novelty. There is no exact 
precedent for it either in the ancient or the modern world.” 

Of this court, John Stuart Mill says : — 

“ the usual remedies between nations, war and diplomacy, being precluded by the 
Federal Union, it is necessary that a judicial remedy should supply its place. The 
Supreme Court of the Federation dispenses international law, and is the first great 
example of what is one of the most prominent wants of civilized society, a real 
international tribunal .” 

The British colonies are fast learning the lessons of federation 
which we have taught. Within the past few years the Canadian prov- 
inces have federated ; within the past few months several of the Aus- 
tralian governments have passed Acts looking to Australasian federation. 
A great British empire is growing up in South Africa. The Transvaal 
and Orange Free State are just as sure to form part of the South- Afri- 
can British Federation as New Netherlands was to become New York. 
There, in South Africa, is a region as large as Europe, — not including 
Russia, — suited to colonization by our race ; and in that far-away land 
the statesmen, in discussing the problems to be solved, are quoting from 
the American Constitution and the writings of Jefferson, Madison, and 
Hamilton, and are demonstrating how applicable to their present con- 
ditions are the principles enunciated and put in practice by the founders 
of our government. There, too, are states with diverse interests, their 
English and Dutch communities, their local jealousies, their barbarous, 
warlike tribes on the frontiers, and vast areas of unoccupied land. 
They have Obm-Paul, with his alien and sedition laws ; and the fight 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


between Chief Justice Kotze and President Kruger is much like the 
contest that Chief Justice Marshall had with President Jefferson and 
some of his successors, and which resulted in the victory of the Court 
over the Executive. 

Will not the federation of the various colonies be followed by a 
larger or imperial British federation, with an Imperial Supreme Court 
to settle intercolonial differences, as the differences between our States 
are settled? Has not our Supreme Court shown statesmen the way to 
a higher Court of International Arbitration, and was not the treaty, 
signed at Washington during the present year, but a harbinger of the 
coming dawn ? 

The growth of political aggregations is facilitated, and their per- 
manence insured, by the introduction of the representative or federal 
system of government, and by the increasing commercial and industrial 
interdependence of widely separated countries. 

With the development of the marine engine, the sea unites rather 
than divides widely separated lands. Measured by freight costs, Hon- 
olulu is nearer to San Francisco than are manv towns in the State 
of California; Auckland, Sydney, Vancouver, and Hong-Kong are 
nearer to London than is Omaha to New York; and the British pos- 
sessions in India, South Africa, Australasia, Canada, and the innumera- 
ble isles of the seas form a more perfect commercial unit than do the 
various parts of the Russian Empire, with no intervening seas. 

The English-speaking peoples now supreme on the ocean, possessing 
by far the largest area of habitable lands in the temperate zones, — lands 
containing the greatest stores of coal, iron, copper, gold, and silver, — 
have advanced more in material wealth during the century now closing 
than in all the previous centuries in the history of our race. With a 
proper application of the federal system, as devised by the founders of 
our government, our race has the means of unlimited expansion without 
imperilling national unity. 

Russia has been striving for centuries to reach the open sea. The 
dream of Peter the Great has become crystallized into a national aspira- 
tion. Gibraltar, Malta, the Suez Canal, and the preponderating strength 
of the British navy make the Mediterranean an English lake, even 
should Russia pass the Bosphorus. The entrance to Russia’s Baltic 
ports is blocked by ice for a great part of the year. Thwarted on the 
west and south, ice-bound on the north, this great, mysterious, seemingly 
irresistible Power extends her dominion steadily until she reaches the 
Sea of Japan on the east ; acquiring, by bold and skilful diplomacy, the 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


Amur country, equal in area to France. For the purpose of uniting her 
vast dominions, Russia is pushing to speedy completion her great 
Siberian railway from the Ural Mountains to her Asian seaport-fortress. 
The names around this Eastern fortress indicate Russian aspirations : 
Vladivostock, means “ Ruler of the East ” ; the harbor is called the 
“ Golden Horn ” ; the passage to the sea, the “ Eastern Bosphorus ; and 
the bay, the “ Gulf of Peter the Great/' If not in Europe, yet in Asia, 
after centuries of patient striving, will Russian dreams of becoming a 
sea Power at last be realized. 

But Vladivostock is blocked by ice during the winter. Russia must 
reach the open sea. By masterful diplomacy, after the close of the 
war between China and Japan, she makes a treaty with the former ; 
acquiring, among other important concessions, the right to construct 
branches from her great military railway through Manchuria to harbors 
in China on the Yellow Sea. Unless checked, her dominion will follow 
the completion of these roads. Gradually she will extend along the 
lines of least resistance. She cannot become a sea Power until she 
becomes a manufacturing and commercial Power. China has, in her 
northern and eastern provinces, the only great coalfield not now in the 
possession of Great Britain and the United States. The population of 
Russia, by the census just completed, aggregates 129,211,113 ; and the 
yearly increase amounts to 1 per cent. 

Russia has not reached the limit of her expansion. She has neither 
Parliament nor Congress to question the policy of her aggressive, auto- 
cratic government. 

China has a population estimated at 400,000,000 of frugal, industri- 
ous, enduring people. With the possession of the great coalfield near 
the open sea, and deep harbors, if Russia can unite her forces and direct 
the tremendous, but hitherto dormant, energies of China, the world 
will have a new Power, possibly a new danger, to face. 

More than six hundred years ago the great Mongol Empire threat- 
ened to absorb AVestern Europe. Now, the expanding empire of the 
Slav threatens to absorb the descendants of the Mongols, and to establish 
an empire more powerful than the all-conquering empire of Genghis 
Khan. 

The presence of Russia in the Far East, and the possibility of a com- 
bination between Russia and China, followed by the awakening of 
China from her sleep of centuries ; the extension of French dominion 
in Indo-China, Siam, and Madagascar ; the partitioning of Africa and 
the islands of the Pacific among European Powers ; the industrial 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


growth of Japan, and her entrance into the family of nations as a great 
naval and military Power ; the completion of the great military high- 
ways from Halifax to Vancouver, and from St. Petersburg to Vladivo- 
stock ; the rapid peopling of British Columbia and our North- Pacific 
States, and of the Amur and Manchuria districts, — all tend to change 
the front of the world, and to transfer to the placid Pacific the national 
activities which, for three centuries past, have rendered the Atlantic the 
theatre of stirring events. 

We must expect points of vantage in the Pacific to be occupied. 
There is a vast area of the Pacific Ocean with one, and only one, 
great land-locked harbor, easily defended, — Pearl Harbor in the 
Hawaiian Islands. These islands are situated at the intersection of 
the great commercial routes from Vancouver to Australasia, from the 
Isthmus of Panama to Japan, from San Francisco to Hong-Kong and 
Canton. 

However Americans may differ in their views as to the policy of 
free trade or protection, as applicable to this country, all must agree in 
wishing that our own products should not be excluded from foreign 
markets by hostile tariffs. It is fast becoming absolutely essential to 
our well-being that such markets should take cur increasing surplus. 
We possess the greatest aggregate of machinery of highest efficiency 
in the world ; and we produce a larger output per operative than any 
other country. Because of our application of mechanical appliances, 
our farmers produce more per man than do the farmers of any other 
country. One farmer in this country can produce food for two hundred 
and fifty persons ; while in Europe one man can feed but thirty. 

Mulhall estimates that the United States possess almost as much 
energy, measured in foot-tons, as Great Britain, France, and Germany 
combined. Already our capacity for production, both in agricultural 
and manufactured products, far exceeds our capacity for consumption, 
so that we must seek foreign markets for the disposition of our in- 
creasing surplus. More than one-half the population of the world 
is in countries fronting the Pacific and Indian Oceans. The foreign 
commerce of the countries bordering these oceans — excluding North 
America — already amounts to over $2,250,000,000 a year. Of this great 
commerce, we, as yet, have but a small fraction. Over 80 per cent of 
our total exports go eastward across the Atlantic, and less than 5 per 
cent, westward. This is because the great bulk of our total exports 
are the crude products of our farms, forests, and mines. They go to 
feed the producers of Europe, and to furnish raw material to Euro- 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


pean manufacturers. We grow 80 per cent of the raw cotton in the 
world ; yet, with the cheapest power in the world, and the most efficient 
labor, we have only 15 per cent of the spindles of the world. China, 
Japan, Corea, and India are cotton-using countries ; and, with the 
changing conditions, here is a future market worth striving for. The 
deep rivers of China and India render the remote interiors of those 
countries, with their teeming millions, easily accessible from the sea. 
We have now five transcontinental railways reaching the Pacific ; and 
a ship canal connecting that ocean with the Atlantic is inevitable. Our 
trade with Eastern Asia will expand to enormous proportions. The 
ports of Japan were first opened by United States war-ships, under 
Commodore Perry ; and this was the beginning of the tremendous revo- 
lution and development in the Far East. 

Thus far, British colonial expansion has meant to this country the 
opening of new markets for whatever we have had to sell. About 60 per 
cent of our total exports go to Great Britain and her colonies. The colo- 
nial expansion of France and Russia aims always at close markets for 
their own commerce, — a continuation of the Roman system of acquiring 
and governing countries for the exclusive benefit of the central power. 
With the occupation of Madagascar by France last year, commercial 
treaties were abrogated, by the placing of increased duties upon imports 
other than French. 

The time is approaching when the cotton-growers of the South, the 
wheat-growers of the West, the meat-producers on our plains, and 
manufacturers and wage-earners all over our land will realize that ex- 
clusion from Asian markets will be disastrous to their best interests. 
The expansion of Russia in Asia and a combination between Russia 
and China will extend the Russian system of exclusion. 

President Monroe’s celebrated Message of December 2, 1823, con- 
tained also a warning against Russian colonization in North America; 
and, in view of the march of events, the application of the Monroe 
Doctrine to the North Pacific is of more importance to-day than it was 
in 1823. 

As a country where the principles of protection are carried to an 
extreme, we have no right to object to any other self-governing country 
levying whatever duties it may desire, provided it does not discriminate 
against us in the interest of other nations. But we shall have the 
same right that we had in 1823, in connection with England, to object 
to any Power forcing its system, to our exclusion and detriment, on 
countries with which we have commercial treaties. Should not the 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD, 


United States and Great Britain, having like interests at stake as in 
1823, stand together to guard from danger Anglo-Saxon liberty, 
law, and interests ? I believe events are so shaping that these two 
great World-Powers, and probably Japan, will be drawn into an alli- 
ance which will insure the well-being and progress of the world. 

War-ships flying the American flag first opened the ports of the 
Far East. War-ships flying the Stars and Stripes, the Union Jack, 
and the flag of Japan may be forced to unite to prevent the clos- 
ing of these ports. 

The Hawaiian Islands — the most important strategic position in the 
Pacific — are to-day like a derelict flying a flag of distress in mid-ocean. 

With a government representing a minority insignificant in num- 
bers, liable to overthrow at any time from internal causes, or from 
dangerous complications growing out of the preponderance of aliens, 
the situation, in respect of these islands, in view of the tremendous 
and far-reaching interests that are involved, is such as to demand the 
immediate action of our government. 

We cannot with honor recede from the protectorate which we have 
maintained for more than fifty years ; and a continuation of existing 
conditions may at any time involve this country in troubles which could 
not arise, were the Islands to become a part of our possessions. Our 
interests, as well as our national honor, now demand the annexation 
of the Hawaiian group. 

We have a coast-line of nearly 2,000 miles on the Pacific ; and our 
Alaskan coast-line is greater in extent than our Atlantic, Gulf, and 
Pacific coast-lines combined. In the future we shall have a large 
seaborne commerce on the Pacific to protect. 

Modern ships of war and commerce require facilities for coaling, 
and for frequent docking for repairs. A neutral port cannot be used 
as a base of supplies in time of war. This was emphasized in the 
Franco-Tonquin war, when England refused to allow French ships to 
coal at Singapore, and France was forced to send coal transports from 
Marseilles through the Suez Canal to Saigon. Mahan has well likened 
a modern war-ship without coal to a wingless bird. 

The great distance across the Pacific will render it difficult for a 
war-ship to cross from Asia and return without recoaling. 

In the possession of a hostile power, Hawaii would give an additional 
base for coaling and repair from which to attack our extended coast- 
line. With Hawaii in our possession, and Pearl Harbor fortified and 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 

stored with coal, — furnishing a safe harbor for our merchantmen, — 
we need fear no attack from across the Pacific. We should require 
fewer war-ships in the Pacific, and fewer fortifications on our W estern 
and Alaskan coasts, than would be required if Hawaii should remain in 
its present condition or pass to the possession of a foreign Power. 

A fortified harbor of refuge and coal-supply will save to our com- 
merce in time of war, in the item of marine insurance alone, many 
times the cost of maintaining it. England, realizing the importance 
of such harbors of refuge and bases of supply, has established fortified 
coaling-stations all around the world in the pathways of commerce. 

A cruiser or battle-ship with a coal capacity necessary to carry her 
5,000 miles, steaming at ten knots an hour, will exhaust her coal in less 
than 1,000 miles, by doubling her speed. With a supply of coal well 
guarded in Pearl Harbor, our war-ships and merchantmen can cross the 
Pacific at maximum speed, or concentrate at distant points at high 
speed, thus largely increasing their efficiency ; while their adversaries, 
being under the necessity of conserving coal, or of risking the running 
out of coal away from their own ports, must move at much less speed, 
thus being placed at great disadvantage. 

This important group of islands can now become a part of our pos- 
sessions, not for the asking, but as a free gift from their now acknowl- 
edged government. 

The methods of the revolution which deposed the Queen and brought 
the present government into being are no longer material to the con- 
sideration of this question. That is a closed chapter : we are dealing 
with existing conditions. 

Having annexed possessions of France, Spain, Mexico, and Russia, 
— with their alien peoples, customs, and laws, — and, with ease, incor- 
porated them into our system, we care little whether there are a few 
thousand more or less Orientals now in Hawaii. If this be an evil, 
with annexation, it will prove a diminishing one : without annexation, 
it may become incurable. 

It may be argued that our system of government is not suited to 
such expansion. England has learned that the federal system is the 
only system yet devised by man that admits of unlimited expansion 
while securing imperial unity. Our race has demonstrated during this 
century the great superiority in national vitality of a freely governed 
country over one governed by a centralized despotism. The great 
colonial empires of Rome and Spain fell apart because the principles of 
local self-government and representative government were ignored. 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


The founders of our government understood that it was devised to 
facilitate annexation of territory ; and our past history has settled that 
question. At the time of the Louisiana purchase, Jefferson wrote to 
Gallatin : u There is no constitutional difficulty as to the acquisition of 
territory ; and whether, when acquired, it may be taken into the Union 
by the Constitution as it now stands, will become a question of expedi- 
ency.” Gouverneur Morris said at this time, that he had known since 
the day when the Constitution was adopted that all North America 
must at length be annexed. 

Texas was brought in not by treaty ratified by the Senate, but by 
an Act of annexation passed by both branches of Congress. 

Alaska was bought of Russia in 1867 by treaty ; thus abandoning 
deliberately the theory of contiguity of territory, as determining the 
right of annexation, — and this by an almost unanimous vote of the Sen- 
ate, only two votes being cast against the ratification of the treaty. 

An English officer took possession of Hawaii in the name of the 
Queen in 1843 ; but his action was promptly disavowed by his govern- 
ment. Our Secretary of State, Mr. Legare, wrote to our Minister in 
England, that these islands bore such peculiar relations to this country 
that we might feel justified in interfering by force to prevent their con- 
quest by any Powers of Europe. 

In 1853 our Secretary of State, Mr. Marcy, wrote thus of these 
islands to our Minister in France : — “ It seems to be inevitable that 
they must come under the control of this Government.” 

In 1873 this country entered into a treaty of reciprocity, which is 
yet in force. 

4 / 

In 1888 the British Minister, in a communication to our Secretary 
of State, Mr. Bayard, informed him that as England and France had, 
by the Convention of 1843, bound themselves to consider the Hawaiian 
Islands an independent state, and never to take possession, either 
directly or under the title of a protectorate or any other form, of any 
part of their territory, it was proposed that the United States should 
enter into a similar agreement with England and Germany by which 
should be guaranteed the neutrality and equal accessibility of the 
Islands and their harbors to the ships of all nations without preference. 
To this, Mr. Bayard replied : — 

s 

“The existing treaties of the United States and Hawaii create, as you are 
aware, special and important reciprocities to which the present material prosper- 
ity of Hawaii may be said to owe its existence ; and by one of its articles, the ces- 
sion of any part of the Hawaiian territory to any other government without the 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


consent of the United States is inhibited. In view of such existing arrangements 
it does not seem needful for the United States to join with other governments to 
secure the neutrality of Hawaiian territory nor to provide for the equal accessi- 
bility of all nations to those ports which now exist.” 

Mr. Bayard, commenting on tlie above correspondence in an au- 
thorized interview, January 31, 1893, said : — 

“I held there could be no comparison between our rights in the Hawaiian 
Islands, as secured by the treaties of 1875 and 1887, with those of other nations ; 
and I would not consent that the United States should be put upon an equality 
with them. We had the right of veto upon any transfer of Hawaiian territory, 
and consequently upon any diversion of the revenues accruing from it. We had 
an interest in Hawaii that no other country could have. A political union would 
logically and naturally follow , in course of time , the commercial union and de- 
pendence which were thus assured. ... It was simply a matter of waiting until 
the apple should fall ” 

Admission as a State need not necessarily follow annexation. As 
Jefferson wrote in 1803, “ that will become a question of expediency.” 
The Administration of Jefferson forced on the Louisiana and Orleans 
Territories a strong government until they had learned the conditions of 
American citizenship. The government of the District of Columbia, 
with a population greater than that of Hawaii, is an example of how 
those islands may be governed. I doubt if any people are better sat- 
isfied with their government than are the citizens of the District of 
Columbia. 

Let us hope that the rivalry between the three great World-Powers 
— the United States, Great Britain, and Bussia — will always be a peace- 
ful striving for the highest development, prosperity, and happiness of 
their respective peoples. In this contest for supremacy, our great 
rival, England, had the advantage of advancing beyond ourselves 
in the science of administration while this country was engaging its 
energies in the subduing of a continent, in settling the problems of sla- 
very, in the Civil War, and in reconstruction. 

In a recent speech, Lord Dufferin said that England could not 
have reached and maintained her present imperial position, but for the 
reform of the Imperial and Colonial Civil Service. 

It has been well said that the gift of the Victorian reign most worthy 
of celebration at the Jubilee is the gift of good government ; the select- 
ing of the best men for the work to be done ; the enactment of laws 
bearing equally upon the rich and the poor ; the reforming of the Civil 
Service, — thus, upon ascertained fitness, opening a career to rich and 
poor alike. 


HAWAII AND THE CHANGING FRONT OF THE WORLD. 


Every acquisition of territory since the formation of our govern- 
ment has been opposed by men who seem to have had little apprecia- 
tion of the manifest destiny of our race : others shrink with fear, lest we 
have not the ability to administer properly the government of countries 
seeking admission into our system. 

We need not fear that we shall be unable to meet the requirements 
of increased responsibilities, and hold our own in this coming contest 
for industrial and commercial supremacy. The growing greatness of 
our country will divorce our Civil Service, in the cities, in the States, 
and the nation, from the blasting influence of bossism and party spoils, 
and place it upon a broad, business basis of ascertained merit : thus 
our best trained, our fittest, our wisest men shall be put in places of 
public trust. Then, and not till then, can we dismiss u the craven fear 
of being great.” John E. Procter. 



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